The news landed like a stone in still water: the Internet Freedom Foundation (IFF) declared India's GitHub removal order unconstitutional. It was a single press release, but it wasn't just about a single project called BitChat. It was about a fundamental question that keeps me awake at night: Can our digital commons survive the collision of sovereign power and decentralized ideals?
I remember sitting in a humid Mumbai co-working space in 2017, my laptop glowing with the Telegram Open Network whitepaper. I was one of the few women in the room, and I had to prove my worth by finding a flaw in the incentive structure that ignored small holders. I wrote a 40-page critique that got shared across 15 Telegram groups. It taught me something that still guides my work today: technical correctness without social empathy is a fragile fortress. The same principle applies to this GitHub case. The technology of code repositories is sound, but the social contract around them is being tested.
Let me frame the context. The Indian government, citing Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, directed GitHub to remove a repository belonging to a cryptocurrency project. The specifics are still murky—we don't know exactly which code or why. But the legal justification is familiar: national sovereignty, public order, security. The IFF, a digital rights organization, immediately pushed back, calling the order a violation of constitutional free speech. This is not an isolated incident. It is a stress test for the very principle that code is speech, a principle that underpins the entire Web3 movement.
I have spent years in this industry, from the wild highs of DeFi Summer 2020 to the brutal lows of the 2022 crash. I have seen how quickly trust can evaporate. In 2020, I founded the Mumbai Chain Guardians, a volunteer network that monitored Aave and Compound protocols. We translated complex upgrade proposals into simple Hindi and English guides. The goal was not just to protect funds but to protect the belief that decentralized systems could be accessible. That experience taught me that the real infrastructure is not the smart contract—it is the community's understanding and willingness to participate. When a government can order a platform like GitHub to delete a repository, it attacks that infrastructure at its root.
Now, let's dissect what this means technically. GitHub is a centralized platform. It holds the entire history, the issues, the discussions—all the metadata that defines a project's life. A removal order, even if limited to a single repository, creates a chilling effect. Developers start asking: Can my code be erased tomorrow? Will my contributions vanish because a government dislikes the protocol's purpose? The answer, under current law, is yes. The Indian IT Act's Section 69A allows blocking of information for reasons including sovereignty and public order. It is a broad sword. And once such a precedent is set, it lowers the threshold for future interventions.
But here is the core insight that most analysts miss: This event is not about the legal technicalities of one country. It is about the architectural fragility of our development stack. We have built the financial layer of Web3 on decentralized blockchains, but our development layer—the place where code is written, reviewed, and stored—still relies on centralized gatekeepers. GitHub, GitLab, Codeberg—they are all subject to jurisdictional pressures. In 2026, with Google's new AI policies and the increasing alignment of tech platforms with state interests, the risk is higher than ever.
I have been advocating for years that we need to build bridges where DeFi once built walls. That metaphor applies here. We cannot claim to be a decentralized ecosystem if our code repositories sit on a server in San Francisco that must comply with every legal request from Delhi, Beijing, or Washington. The solution is not to fight every legal battle—though the IFF's challenge is noble and necessary. The solution is to change the infrastructure. We need to move critical open-source repositories to decentralized storage platforms like Arweave or IPFS, where data persistence is guaranteed by cryptographic proofs and economic incentives, not by corporate policy.
Let me share a contrarian angle: Many will argue that this case is a tempest in a teapot—that few projects will be affected, and that the legal challenge will succeed. I disagree. The real danger is not the removal itself, but the normalization of the concept. If a government can demand a repository removal, they can also demand the deletion of issue discussions, contributors' names, or even the history of code changes. This is a slippery slope. Furthermore, the IFF's claim of unconstitutionality is based on free speech, but the government will argue that code is not speech—that it is a tool that can be used for illegal purposes. This debate could take years, and in the meantime, developers in India will self-censor. They will fork projects to private repos. They will stop contributing to public goods that might be politically sensitive. The damage is done before the court decides.
Building bridges where DeFi once built walls means we must treat infrastructure as a political choice. It is not enough to have a decentralized consensus mechanism for transactions. We need decentralized code hosting, decentralized communication channels (think Matrix instead of Discord), and decentralized governance for repositories themselves. The Radicle project, for example, offers a peer-to-peer code collaboration platform that bypasses GitHub entirely. Projects like it should be the default, not the exception.
Now, let's turn to the signals we must track. First, the legal outcome. If the IFF succeeds, it will be a landmark—a recognition that code is protected speech. But even if they lose, the battle itself raises awareness. Second, watch GitHub's response. Will they comply quietly, or will they resist? Their public stance will influence developer trust globally. Third, monitor for copycat actions from other governments. If Thailand or Nigeria issues a similar order, the pattern becomes clear: states are targeting the tooling layer. Finally, look at whether BitChat and other Indian crypto projects begin migrating their repositories to decentralized platforms. That migration would be a strong signal of market demand for censorship-resistant hosting.
From code audits to community heartbeats, I have learned that trust is not a protocol, it is a practice. The IFF's statement is a practice of courage. But we in the Web3 community must also practice resilience. We cannot wait for courts to defend our freedoms; we must encode them in our systems. That means investing in decentralized infrastructure now, before the next removal order comes.
There is an opportunity here. The risk of censorship will drive capital and attention to projects that offer true decentralization. Platforms like Arweave, Filecoin, and Radicle could see increased usage. But more importantly, this event reaffirms why Web3 exists: to create systems that no single authority can control. The market is sideways right now, and many are looking for undervalued assets. The real undervalued asset is the infrastructure of freedom itself.
Let me end with a forward-looking thought. The audit of this case is just the beginning of the bond we must build between technology and human rights. We used to think that censorship resistance was a feature for dissidents and activists. Now it is a feature for every developer who wants to build without permission. The IFF is fighting a battle in court; we must fight ours in the code. We must build the next generation of development tools on decentralized networks. We must treat every GitHub fork as a hostage to centralized power. And we must remember that our greatest strength is not our computational power, but our collective will to remain free.
Trust earns interest; code only executes. But if we build the bridges correctly, the code will execute in a world where trust is not a gift from the powerful, but a practice of the many. That is the Web3 I still believe in, even as the walls close in.


